jeudi 29 septembre 2011

Political prisoner Ameer Makhoul on the social protest in Israel

The recent wave of protests in Israel

septembre 29, 2011
Ameer Makhoul

The recent wave of protests in Israel, which pretend to call for social justice, is one of the most powerful and massive mobilization to ever happen in the country. An unprecedented character of this movement, one should add, is its pretension to create an open space for groups, as well as individuals.
The dynamics that guard these protests is that of a social movement. However, the content of the demonstrators’ demands should be subjected to a serious discussion and critique. One of the major contradictory aspects of this movement is the exclusive understanding of the value of social justice. Social justice is a universal value, but for the protestors in Tel-Aviv’s Rothschild Ave., it is limited only to the internal dynamics of Israeli society. In Tel-Aviv’s Rothschild Ave., the root cause of the social injustices Israelis face are a taboo, that is, the occupation, colonial racism, militarization of all life’s aspects and the prevailing, aggressive neoliberal thought and system. These issues are deeply related to the Israeli state-building process.
The Israeli social protests should be seen in light of two major border-crossing developments: the Arab peoples’ uprising, an example of how when the people move nothing is impossible; and second, the growth of the international and globalized social movement. The latter, day by day, is gaining a popular character that is challenging the world’s neoliberal elites in what we know as the “wealthy” nations and their current crisis, impacting the entire world.
The recent protests are indicative of growing strength of the Israeli social movement. Furthermore, it partially challenges the current system of power-division, attempting to redefine it on new principals in order to meet the agenda of the Israeli middle-class, out of which the movement initiated and is now led by. But Israel’s poorest classes are excluded by the leadership of this movement and its discourse. Israel’s strong middle class, on the other hand, mobilized by the sense of losing its power– an outcome of the neoliberal hagemony in Israel that is represented not only by Prime Minister Netanyahu, but also the new elites in the country and their reproduction of the state’s new ideology. Neoliberalism became the joint ideology of those in power of the executive authorities and capital of the state.
During the recent years, the Israeli society became more aware of the growing socioeconomic gaps. In the meanwhile, the Israeli state has witnessed the recreation of the “tycoons.” Very limited in number and running a small number of economic enterprises and businesses according to explicit and implicit cartel agreements, the new Israeli “tycoons” become the true rulers of the economy and the allocation of public funds. On the level of government, on the other hand, the “tycoons” neolibral thought shapes the decision-making process through the implementation of privatization policies that also include the natural resources, such as the Dead Sea minerals and the recently discovered gas and oil reserves on the eastern shores of the Mediterranean. These natural resources were granted to the “tycoons” by Netanyahu’s government, arguing that the former is the true engine of economic growth. The Israeli middle-class, however, argues the opposite: the middle-class is the base for economic flourish; the resources are to serve, in addition to the state’s income, the community as a whole. Additionally, the acceptance of Israel to the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) on May of 2010 had a contradictory result of contributing to the social protests: Israelis became more aware of the existing gaps of income in the state.
As often happens, the neoliberal policy legalizes corruption in a structural manner within the state. The transfer of natural and public resources to the “tycoons” is smoothly carried out by new regulations and new laws, and the judicial branch is complicit with the interests of the “tycoons.” In the meanwhile, Netanyahu’s government is proud to tell the world about the “miracle” of the Israeli economy, which overcame the worldwide financial crises.
On the ground, and as a direct consequence of the magic Netanyahu speaks of, the number of people in Israel who live under the poverty level is growing. While according to Netanyahu’s magical statistics unemployment is being reduced, the number of people who work with lack of dignity is growing. The current social protests, therefore, came to raise the question of who is paying the price for Israel’s apparent economic flourish. Hence it is the middle-class, not Israel’s poorer slasses, that is the chore of this movement. Furthermore, the middle-class’ voice is easily raised high by the media, for it is where most of the Israeli elite come from.
The question is, can such a movement provide provide equal opportunity for everyone to enter its space and for part of it? The answer is simply no, because freedom of expression does not simply mean the equal opportunity to impact and exert influence.
Even though this movement is forming a new social force by challenging the sacred cows of the Israeli ruling establishment, such as “Israeli security,” it is also questioning the traditional opposition and the aged trade-union, the Histadurt. Such a questioning of the entire ruling elites can only happen when the people are sharing a feeling that they can make change.
However, the contradictory nature of “social justice,” as this universal value is understood in Tel-Aviv’s Rothschild Ave., silences all issues of injustice related to the Palestinian people. I am not speaking of Palestinians in the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and in exile, but also those who are Israeli citizens, who suffer daily from land confiscation, racist legislations, the nonrecognition of their villages by the state and the Judaization of the Naqab (Negev) and the Galilee. According to this movement’s discourse, these issues are “political” and not “social,” and are therefore not related included in the movement’s understanding of social justice. By considering themselves “apolitical,” the protestors ignore the occupation, the blockade on Gaza and state’s racist system against the Palestinian citizens. (Or, the protestors consider racism only in cases of Jewish Ethiopians and East Asian foreign workers, but even there solely on an individual basis).
According to Israeli terminology, being “apolitical” allows the inclusiveness of groups from colonial settlements in the West Bank, Jerusalem and the Golan, which are being invited to take part of in the protests. This creates an ethical contradiction, and of course political. The values of the Israeli social movement, in other words, are only limited to Israelis. Palestinians, on the other hand, are excluded from any justice. According to the Israeli social movement, 7,000 Palestinian political prisoners do not deserve social justice. Furthermore, neither do Palestinian refugees and the internally displaced. The Apartheid Wall and the Gaza blockade are also not worthy “issues” to be dealt with by a movement that pretends to provide an open space. Colonizing settlers are welcome, not the Palestinian families that are victims of the Separation Wall erected by the Israeli law; not the solidarity movements for a just peace; not the peoples around the words who are victims of the bloody regimes of close military and intelligence cooperation with the State of Israel.
The Israeli social movements, abiding to the Israeli national consensus, ignores the rights of the “other” for social justice. By not dealing with the root-causes of the unjust system in Israel, the Israeli social movement wishes to make things “less unjust” rather than to change the system and the regime.
By not dealing with the colonial-racist Zionist ideology and the nature of the Israeli state, some are choosing to consider the Israeli social movement as “post-Zionist.” However, as we know very well, post-Zionism means neither anti-Zionism nor the de-Zionization of Israel. But I still believe that this movement can lead to changes in the direction of reestablishing the welfare capitalist state that existed in Israel. Such a state can meet the interests of a wider majority of Israeli citizens, including those of Palestinian citizens of Israel. However, the Israeli social movement cannot bring historical justice to the Palestinians in Israel. While some Palestinian organizations are participating in the social mobilization, they are fully aware that its demands do not wholly cover the Palestinians’ social and political agenda.
Of the Palestinians groups that are participating in the social protests are the Palestinian Bedouins of al-Araqeeb: a village in the Naqab that is unrecognized by the Israeli state and has been demolished 28 times by government bulldozers. However, despite their participation, the injustices caused by the state to the Bedouins’ were not included the the social protests’ leadership’s list of demands.
While the social movement’s discourse is not racist, it does not raise issues of racism. Justice does not concerns those who speak for it, but also others. A social movement is not a structural body; on the contrary, it is made of values, norms and the belief in equality for all. In this question, the Israeli social movement does not pass the exam.
By way of conclusion, I ask you to be aware that I am still behind the bars of Israeli prison. I can only learn about the recent developments through television, radio or the newspapers allowed in. However, I speak from the position as an activist, though it is difficult to get a feel of what goes on on the ground. I am one of 7,000 political prisoners who believe that injustice will fail, while liberation, freedom and human dignity will be fulfilled.

Filming the Inspiring Life of Eddy Zheng, a Bay Area Community Leader Facing Deportation --An interview with Ben Wang

By Angola 3 News

(First published at Alternet)

Ben Wang is the Director/Producer of the upcoming documentary film Breathin’: The Eddy Zheng Story. The film’s website explains that “after serving over 20 years behind bars for a robbery he committed at age 16, Chinese American community leader Eddy Zheng now faces deportation to China, a huge loss to the Bay Area community. Released from prison in 2007, Eddy has dedicated his life to preventing youth violence and delinquency through his work at the Community Youth Center, Community Response Network, and many other SF Bay Area programs and organizations.”

This month, Wang and other film makers initiated a fundraising drive as they enter into the major phase of filming. As this interview is being release there is one week left. You can visit their Kickstarter page to donate and learn more. Complementing Eddy Zheng’s own website, news articles from 2002, 2005, and earlier this year, describe the various stages of the successful battle for his freedom from prison and the continued fight against deportation.

Currently a resident of Oakland, California, Wang is the co-chair of the Asian Prisoner Support Committee. Wang co-edited with Eddy Zheng, the 2007 book Other: an API Prisoners’ Anthology. In the accompanying video interview, Wang discusses working on the book with Zheng, the book’s central themes, including the urgent need to give voice to API prisoners and the legacy of the WW2-era imprisonment of Japanese Americans in US concentration camps (view photos from "relocation" in San Francisco).

Ben Wang also co-directed the documentary film entitled, AOKI, about Richard Aoki (1938-2009), a third-generation Japanese American who became one of the founding members of the Black Panther Party. According to the film’s website, AOKI also “highlights how Richard’s leadership also made a significant impact on individuals and groups in the contemporary Asian American Movement. Richard’s contributions to the groundbreaking organization Asian American Political Alliance (AAPA) and its involvement in the Third World Liberation Front (TWLF) student strike led to the formation of ethnic studies at U.C. Berkeley.”

Angola 3 News: How did you first meet Eddy Zheng?

Ben Wang: I first met Eddy when I was a student at UC Davis. At the time, Eddy had gathered a great deal of community support for his parole and release from state prison. I read about Eddy's case and was really moved by his story. Since getting locked up when he was 16 years old, he taught himself English, took every self-help program available, published his poetry and writings, started the first-ever poetry slam at San Quentin, and mentored at-risk youth through a program called SQUIRES.

I read some of his writings and poetry and felt that there needed to be more stories from people like him. Even though I majored in Asian American Studies at UC Davis, I felt that Asian American prisoners like Eddy had been very marginalized, even in our own communities. Their experiences and perspectives really aren't included in our education, media, or policy debates--even though criminal justice issues continue to be a topic of growing concern today.

I started corresponding with Eddy and bringing a group of UC-Davis students for regular visits at Solano prison with Eddy and a group of Asian prisoners. Through that experience, I began working with him to publish the first ever anthology of writings and artwork from Asian and Pacific Islander prisoners.

It was a very educational and inspiring experience for me to work with Eddy and so many other talented writers and artists on the book project.

A3N: When did you first start working on the film? Is there a release date yet?

BW: We are starting principal photography now, which is the major phase of filming. We are gearing up to film key scenes over the next few months with Eddy, his family, formerly incarcerated friends, and youth.

We are still fundraising for production of the film, so if readers are able to make a donation, or would just like to learn more about the project, please visit our Kickstarter page.

There is no release date set yet. Check for updates at

A3N: So far, what have you gotten video footage of?

We have already filmed some really interesting footage including Eddy's Ninth Circuit court hearing regarding his appeals, two reunions of Eddy's formerly incarcerated friends, and the grand opening of the new office of the Community Youth Center in the Bayview neighborhood of San Francisco.

You can check out our trailer at the Kickstarter site or Youtube.

A3N: Why do you want to make a film about Eddy?

BW: I've personally witnessed Eddy's impact on other prisoners, formerly incarcerated people, and youth. I've seen how people have changed as a result of Eddy's guidance and inspiration. So I feel that Eddy is unique in his ability to motivate change--in people and society as a whole.

At the same time, I feel that Eddy's experience is unfortunately not unique at all. There are over 2.3 million prisoners in the U.S. and the Asian and Pacific Islander (API) prisoner population has grown remarkably--increasing by over 250% from 1990 to 2000. I hope that this documentary is able to shine a light on the stories of API prisoners--this segment of our community that is too often forgotten, shunned, or persecuted because of mistakes they may have made as a kid or harsh sentencing laws (e.g. 3 strikes).

A3N: Can you tell us more about how Eddy’s situation similar to other API prisoners in the US?

BW: Unfortunately for many immigrants, all “non-citizen aliens” who commit an aggravated felony or crime of moral turpitude are mandatorily deportable, even if they immigrated to the U.S. legally or with refugee status. Between 1998 and 2006, there was a 61.6% rise in total deportations of people of Asian nationalities.

Despite the growing trend of incarceration and deportation for many Asian Americans, these individuals have largely remained invisible in public policy, the media, and in our own communities.

Eddy’s story speaks to critical issues such as the way our criminal justice system treats its youngest criminal offenders, the growth of the prison population, and how immigrants are often deported for crimes they committed decades earlier.

How has the post-Sept. 11, 2001 so-called “war on terror” affected APIs living in the US?

BW: I think that many communities have been unfairly scapegoated as result of the war on terror, including some API immigrant communities.

In addition to the war on terror, I feel that the recession has resulted in a great deal of anti-immigrant backlash. Instead of placing the blame on the root causes of 9/11 (U.S. foreign policy) or the recession (Wall Street greed), there are some very powerful people who have used these crises to rally support for their conservative causes and against people of color and working-class immigrants.

A3N: Anything else to add?

BW: Thank you to all of our very generous supporters!

We are blessed to have an incredible team working on this film including Producer Christine Kwon, Executive Producer Deann Borshay Liem, Director of Photography R.J. Lozada, Writer Momo Chang, Associate Producer Geraldine Ah-Sue, and more!

You can also visit Eddy's website at for legal updates and his blog.

--Angola 3 News is a project of the International Coalition to Free the Angola 3. Our website is where we provide the latest news about the Angola 3. We are also creating our own media projects, which spotlight the issues central to the story of the Angola 3, like racism, repression, prisons, human rights, solitary confinement as torture, and more.

mercredi 28 septembre 2011


Davis' final letter to his supporters

To All:

I want to thank all of you for your efforts and dedication to Human Rights and Human Kindness, in the past year I have experienced such emotion, joy, sadness and never ending faith. It is because of all of you that I am alive today, as I look at my sister Martina I am marveled by the love she has for me and of course I worry about her and her health, but as she tells me she is the eldest and she will not back down from this fight to save my life and prove to the world that I am innocent of this terrible crime.

As I look at my mail from across the globe, from places I have never ever dreamed I would know about and people speaking languages and expressing cultures and religions I could only hope to one day see first hand. I am humbled by the emotion that fills my heart with overwhelming, overflowing Joy. I can't even explain the insurgence of emotion I feel when I try to express the strength I draw from you all, it compounds my faith and it shows me yet again that this is not a case about the death penalty, this is not a case about Troy Davis, this is a case about Justice and the Human Spirit to see Justice prevail.

I cannot answer all of your letters but I do read them all, I cannot see you all but I can imagine your faces, I cannot hear you speak but your letters take me to the far reaches of the world, I cannot touch you physically but I feel your warmth everyday I exist.

So Thank you and remember I am in a place where execution can only destroy your physical form but because of my faith in God, my family and all of you I have been spiritually free for some time and no matter what happens in the days, weeks to come, this Movement to end the death penalty, to seek true justice, to expose a system that fails to protect the innocent must be accelerated.
There are so many more Troy Davis'.
This fight to end the death penalty is not won or lost through me but through our strength to move forward and save every innocent person in captivity around the globe. We need to dismantle this Unjust system city by city, state by state and country by country.

I can't wait to Stand with you, no matter if that is in physical or spiritual form, I will one day be announcing,


Never Stop Fighting for Justice and We Will Win!


"Je veux vous remercier tous pour vos efforts et votre dévouement en faveur des droits de l'homme et de la bonté humaine ; lors de ces dernières années, j'ai éprouvé tant d'émotions, de joie, de tristesse... sans jamais perdre la foi. C'est grâce à vous tous que je suis en vie aujourd'hui (...) Ma soeur Martina me dit (...) qu'elle n'arrêtera jamais de se battre pour me sauver la vie et prouver au monde que je suis innocent de ce crime terrible.
Je suis ému, quand je découvre des mails du monde entier, venant d'endroits que je n'imaginais même pas connaître un jour, de personnes parlant des langues et exprimant des cultures et des religions que je ne pouvais seulement espérer découvrir un jour (...) Ce n'est pas une affaire qui concerne la peine de mort, ce n'est pas une affaire qui concerne Troy Davis, c'est une affaire qui touche à la justice et à l'esprit humain (...)

"Il y a tant d'autres Troy Davis"

Je ne peux pas répondre à toutes vos lettres, mais je les lis toutes. Je ne peux pas vous voir tous, mais j'imagine vos visages. Je ne peux pas vous entendre parler, mais vos lettres m'emmènent aux quatre coins du monde. Je ne peux pas vous toucher physiquement, mais je sens votre chaleur tous les jours que j'existe.
Donc merci, et souvenez-vous que je suis dans un endroit où l'exécution peut seulement détruire votre état physique, mais grâce à ma foi en Dieu, à ma famille et à vous tous, je suis spirituellement libre depuis longtemps, et peu importe ce qui arrivera dans les jours et les semaines à venir, ce mouvement pour abolir la peine de mort, pour rechercher la vraie justice, pour faire éclater un système qui ne réussit pas à protéger ses innocents, doit être accéléré.
Il y a tant d'autres Troy Davis. Ce combat pour abolir la peine de mort ne sera pas gagné ou perdu à travers moi, mais à travers notre force à avancer et à sauver chaque personne innocente emprisonnée à travers le monde. Nous devons démanteler ce système injuste, ville par ville, État par État, et pays par pays. 
J'ai hâte d'être avec vous, peu importe que ce soit physiquement ou spirituellement, et ce jour-là, j'annoncerai : 
'Je suis Troy Davis, et je suis libre !' 
'Ne cessez jamais le combat pour la justice, et nous gagnerons !'"


Des nouvelles des femmes prisonnières palestiniennes (WOFPP)


Des nouvelles des femmes prisonnières palestiniennes (WOFPP)

Women's Organization for Political Prisoners (WOFPP)
P. O. Box 31811, Tel Aviv

Bulletin septembre 2011

Il y a, à présent, 33 prisonnières politiques dans les prisons israéliennes: 17 à la Prison de Hasharon (Tel Mond), 16 à la Prison de Damoon (Montagne de Carmel).

Les conditions dans les cellules

Il fait très chaud dans les cellules. Il n'y a pas de climatisation et, à présent, beaucoup de ventilateurs ne fonctionnent plus. Jusqu'il y a peu de temps, les prisonnières pouvaient acheter des ventilateurs à la cantine, mais les conditions ont détérioré, et les autorités de la prison ne leur permettent plus d'en acheter.
Les autorités de la prison ont aussi refusé leur requête d'acheter des récipients réfrigérants, afin d'avoir de l'eau froide durant la chaleur insupportable.


Ahlam elTamimi, de Ramallah, a été arrêtée le 14 septembre 2001. Le 30 septembre 2011, lorsque les femmes ont prié à l'occasion de la fête de Eid Elfiter, Ahlam a fait un serment. Les autorités de la prison ont affirmé que le serment était un serment d'incitation et ont transféré Ahlam à la détention cellulaire pour la durée de deux jours. Les autorités de la prison ont aussi puni les autres prisonnières: Elles leur ont défendu de sortir de leur cellule pendant 48 heures. Même Suha Abu Manshar, dont le bébé vit avec elle en prison, n'a pas été autorisée à sortir avec lui.

Soins médicaux

Wafaa elBis, du Canp de Refugiés Jebalya dans la Bande de Gaza, a été arrêtée le 20 juin 2005.
Elle a dû être opérée à la main. L'avocate de WOFPP, Taghreed Jahshan, l'a visitée en prison après son retour de l'hôpital. Wafaa lui a dit qu'après cette opération elle devrait avoir de la physiothérapie, mais elle n'en a pas reçue. Ceci a été la deuxième intervention au doigt de cette main. Après la première elle n'a pas reçu de physiothérapie non plus, et cela pourrait être la raison qu'une deuxième intervention était nécessaire.


Récemment, au cours des fouilles, les gardiens ont confisqué tous les carnets téléphoniques des prisonnières politiques. Les gardiens leur ont dit qu'ils n'allaient pas les leur rendre, parce que les prisonnières ne devraient pas avoir de carnets téléphoniques du tout.

Visites des avocats

Les autorités de la prison ne permettent pas aux prisonnières politiques d'avoir des plumes/crayons et du papier lors de leurs rencontres avec les avocats.

Les femmes en détention administrative

Hanaa Shalabi, de Burqin, district de Jénine, une détenue administrative, a été arrêtée le 14 septembre 2009. Au mois de juillet 2011, les autorités israéliennes ont prolongé de quatre mois sa détention administrative. En août, après que Hanaa avait fait appel, elles l'ont réduite à trois mois.

'Aliya J'abri, de Hébron, une détenue administrative, âgée de 30 ans, a été arrêtée le 15 février 2011. Les autorités israéliennes ont prolongé sa détention administrative de trois mois

Transfert de prisonnières à la Prison de Hasharon

Maryam elTarbin, de Jéricho, a été arrêté le 25 janvier 2005. Après qu'elle avait été mise en détention cellulaire à la Prison de Névé Tirza (Ramle) pendant environ six mois, elle a été transférée, le 30 août 2011, de la Prison de Névé Tirza à la Prison de Hasharon.

Ramya Abu Samra, âgée de 31 ans, de Yatta, district de Hébron, a été arrêtée le 16 décembre 2010. Le 12 septembre 2011, elle a été transférée de la Prison de Damoon à la Prison de Hasharon.

Mise en liberté

Suha Abu Manshar, de Hébron, âgée de 22 ans, mère d'un bébé qui vivait avec elle en prison. Elle a été arrêtée le 14 août 2011, condamnée à 30 jours de prison et une amende de 25.000 NIS (environ 6950 US$). Le 13 septembre 2011, elle a été mise en liberté.



Environ une fois par semaine, des fouilles prennent place pendant la nuit. Récemment, les autorités de la prison ont confisqué des livres. Ces livres n'ont pas été rendus aux prisonnières, bien qu'auparavant les autorities de la prison aient permis aux prisonnières d'avoir ces livres.

Soins médicaux

Pendant deux semaines au mois de septembre, il n'y avait pas de médecin dans la prison.

Travaux manuels

Les autorités de la prison continuent à refuser de remettre aux prisonnières le matériel pour travaux manuels que la Croix Rouge, il y a des mois, a apporté pour les prisonnières.

Les femmes en détention administrative

Linan Abu Ghulme, une détenue administrative de Beit Furiq, district de Naplouse, a été arrêtée le 15 juillet 2010. En août 2011, en route à une session devant une cour militaire et au retour de la session, elle a été détenue pendant quatre jours en détention cellulaire dans l'aile des prisonnières criminelles à Névé Tirza. Les conditions étaient très mauvaises: La cellule était minuscule sans fenêtres, l'attitude des gardiens était très rigide, et ils ne lui ont pas permis d'avoir avec elle les objets qu'elle avait apportés de la Prison de Damoon, tel que des draps et du shampoing.


Somud Karaja, âgée de 23 ans, de Safa, district de Ramallah, a été arrêtée le 25 octobre 2009. Le 16 août 2011, un tribunal militaire l'a condamnée à 20 ans de prison.

Pour les donations à WOFPP
Compte de banque:
Women's Organization for Political Prisoners (WOFPP)
Nombre du compte: 471067
Branch 532
Daniel Frisch St. 3,Tel Aviv 64078, ISRAEL
IBAN number: IL 60-0125-3200-0000-0471-067

 Adresse du destinataire de la contribution:
Frug Street 30
IL-63417 Tel Aviv


Call to Action: Support Palestinian Prisoners on Hunger Strike!
http://www.freeahmadsaadat. org/

The Campaign to Free Ahmad Sa'adat - -

Twitter: freeahmadsaadat

Palestinian prisoners in Israeli occupation prisons issued a statement on Sunday, September 25, 2011, stating that they plan to begin an open-ended hunger strike on September 27, 2011, demanding an end to the isolation of Ahmad Sa'adat, an end to isolation for all Palestinian political prisoners, and an end to the policies of repression and humiliation against visitors to the prisoners, including denial of family visits and visitors being stopped, searched and impeded at Israeli occupation checkpoints. The prisoners are also demanding an end to abuse and humiliation of prisoners while they are transferred from one prison to another.

The Campaign to Free Ahmad Sa'adat stands in solidarity with the Palestinian prisoners' hunger strike and calls for people around the world to join their voices to the prisoners' call for justice.

Ahmad Sa'adat, the imprisoned General Secretary of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and a Palestinian national leader, has been imprisoned by Israeli occupation forces since his kidnapping in March 13, 2006. He was abducted in a violent Israeli military raid from a Palestinian Authority prison where he had been unjustly held without charge or trial for over four years under U.S. and British guard. He has been in isolation for over two years following his calls for resistance to the Israeli assault on Gaza in winter 2009. (Learn more about Ahmad Sa'adat here.)

The prisoners' statement follows:
"We, the comrades of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine in the Zionist prisons and detention centers, declare to the steadfast, struggling brave masses of the Palestinian people and to all free people in the world:
We announce that we will begin an open-ended hunger strike on Tuesday morning, September 27, 2011, in response to the official policies of the Zionist government and its fascist prison administration. We demand our rights and our dignity, as we struggle for the victory of our values and ideals.

Our goals for this hunger strike:

1. End the solitary confinement and isolation of our comrade, General Secretary of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, member of the Palestinian Legislative Council and the PLO Central Council, Ahmad Sa'adat, Abu Ghassan.

2. End the policy of isolation for all prisoners;

3. End the policy of systematic humiliation by the occupation army against the Palestinian people at checkpoints and crossings, particularly targeting visitors to prisons, and end the arbitrary denial of visits to the prisoners, especially the prisoners from the Gaza Strip. End the humiliation and abuse of prisoners during transfer.
The principles of our revolution include the rejection of all forms of injustice, and for us to struggle and confront the occupier in all areas and places in our own manner. Accordingly, we call upon all of the Palestinian and Arab people, political forces and institutions, human rights and civil society organizations, to raise their voices for us, so that we do not become easy prey for a vicious occupier. We promise to all of our people, and to the legacy of the martyrs of Palestine, that we will continue on our path until victory.

Great glory to the martyrs ...
Victory to the revolution ...
Victory is inevitable."

1. Picket, protest or call the Israeli embassy or consulate in your location and demand the immediate freedom of Ahmad Sa'adat and all Palestinian political prisoners.

2. Distribute the free downloadable Campaign to Free Ahmad Sa'adat flyer in your community at local events.

3. Write to the International Committee of the Red Cross and other human rights organizations to exercise their responsibilities and act swiftly to demand that the Israelis ensure that Ahmad Sa'adat and all Palestinian prisoners are freed from punitive isolation. Email the ICRC, whose humanitarian mission includes monitoring the conditions of prisoners, at, and inform them about the urgent situation of Ahmad Sa'adat.

4. Email the Campaign to Free Ahmad Sa'adat at with announcements, reports and information about your local events, activities and flyer distributions.

The Campaign to Free Ahmad Sa'adat

Support Palestinian Prisoners on Hunger Strike!

UFree ACTION ALERT: Support Palestinian Prisoners on Hunger Strike!
Palestinians detained in Israeli occupation jails have announced their intent to begin an open-ended hunger strike to demand an end to the ever increasing humiliating and degrading treatment at the hands of Israel’s prisons services (IPS), starting on September 27th.

Prisoners are calling for the release of prisoners from isolation, some of whom have been kept in isolation units for ten years; the end of collective punishment – including the shackling of hands and feet when family and lawyers visit; access to healthcare and education are amongst the demands too.

Hunger strike is one of the few methods of nonviolent resistance available to Palestinian prisoners, who have been protesting against their unfair treatment – such as lack medicines and decent food for years. Since the announcement of punitive measures by Netanyahu in June, the situation has deteriorated rapidly.

There are currently approximately 7,000 Palestinians in Israeli jails, including women, children and elected politicians. Many of them are held for long periods without charge, denying families their breadwinners.

  1. Contact the ‘Israeli embassy’ or consulate in your country and demand the immediate release of Palestinian political prisoners.
  2. Distribute UFree special report >>SpecialReport_Unlawful Combatants_Excuse for Indefinite Detention without Charge
  3. Write to human rights organisations asking them to act swiftly to demand that all Palestinian political prisoners and detainees are freed from punitive isolation.
  4. Email the International Committee of the Red Cross whose humanitarian mission includes monitoring the conditions of prisoners, at,

vendredi 23 septembre 2011

Nordine Benallal : pour l'exemple.. Dimanche 16 octobre 2011

Dimanche 16 octobre de 14.00-17:00h




15H30: DÉBAT

Intervention de l'avocate Nordine: ME. JOKE CALLEWAERT, 



Voici déjà 3 ans et 6 mois que le cauchemar de mon frère Ali Aarrass a commencé.

A l’attention de nos politiques, députés, parlementaires,…
21 septembre 2011

Voici déjà 3 ans et 6 mois que le cauchemar de mon frère Ali Aarrass a commencé.

Pour rappel, il s’agit d’une détention brutale et arbitraire qui a commencé le 1er avril 2008 et qui se poursuit encore et toujours à ce jour.

Ali a honoré son pays, la Belgique, en y accomplissant son devoir de citoyen belge, il a fait son service militaire avec une grande fierté. Il a pendant 28 ans vécu en Belgique tout en y travaillant en tant qu’indépendant. Il a toujours eu un comportement irréprochable et a un casier judiciaire vierge. Jamais il n’a enfreint les lois du pays ni d’ailleurs.

Pour résumer, Ali a toujours été un citoyen belge exemplaire dans sa conduite et a aidé les autres autant qu’il le pouvait sans jamais hésiter. Le tout, accompagné d’une grande sympathie et d’un sourire on ne peut plus franc !

Cet homme, ce citoyen belge, en l’occurrence mon frère Ali, a été oublié de toute autorité belge. Oublié de tous ceux qui devraient se sentir responsables de sa personne. Il a été négligé, considéré comme inexistant, tout comme s’il était déjà mort ! Balayé des pensées de ceux qui sont nos élus belges, à quelques exceptions près. Ceux qui sont censés nous représenter, nous soutenir, nous protéger des exactions, des erreurs judiciaires ou autres soucis qui entrainent bien souvent des souffrances atroces. Tourments vécus non seulement par la personne concernée directement, mais aussi par toute la famille, les proches, les amis, tous ceux qui deviennent des soutiens par la force des choses, car bien heureusement dans la vie il n’y a pas que des âmes insensibles !

Le comité de soutien d’Ali Aarrass vous a fait parvenir à maintes reprises, multiples mails interpellant et appelant à l’aide !
Vous rappelant tous les dangers qu’Ali traversait !
Cela allait de sa détention arbitraire en Espagne, en isolation constante, comme un criminel. Jusqu’aux horribles moments et frayeurs provoquées par les craintes d’extradition. Pour ensuite se retrouver entouré de tortionnaires sans le moindre soupçon d’âme humaine.

Oui, car Ali a été extradé au Maroc et torturé bestialement. Menacé, pendu par les pieds et battu violemment, déshabillé en pleine nature subissant les pires moqueries et humiliations, et battu encore et encore de plus en plus sauvagement. Soumis à du courant électrique dans ses parties intimes, violé à l’aide de bouteilles jusqu’à déchirement de l’anus ! On lui a même injecté un produit chimique méconnu qui lui donnait le sentiment d’être un zombi !

Mais quelle déontologie habite les esprits des politiques !?
Quels objectifs vous êtes-vous fixés en signant vos mandats !?
Connaissez-vous le sentiment d’empathie !?
Auriez-vous opté pour la politique de l’autruche !?

Pourtant cela pourrait arriver à n’importe qui ! L’un(e) d’entre vous pourrait du jour au lendemain se retrouver malencontreusement dans ce genre de mauvaise passe !
Il y a de tas de questions qui me tourmentent l’esprit lorsque j’essaie de comprendre votre inertie ! Mais il n’y a rien à comprendre si ce n’est que cela vous est égal, ce qui arrive à Ali.

Ma colère s’accroit à chaque étape de cette épreuve qui se veut si douloureuse.
Pourtant je garde mon sang-froid dans l’espoir de trouver peut être encore une écoute, un appui, une aide, une ou des démarches qui pourraient changer la donne. Qui pourraient nous redonner confiance et voire même nous prouver qu’on s’était trompé.

Je rêve et cependant je veux croire que tout est encore possible et cela malgré qu’Ali a déjà subi le calvaire.
Je n’ai jamais confié à Ali que les autorités belges n’ont jamais réagi à nos incessants cris. J’ai préféré lui laisser cet espoir, même quand il vivait les pires moments de sa vie. Il comptait et compte toujours sur une intervention de la Belgique, pays dont il se considère citoyen à part entière.

Le procès d’Ali a enfin commencé, après 5 reports successifs qui ont éloigné la toute première audience qui était prévue le 21 avril 2011 de la dernière qui a eu lieu le 15 septembre 2011. La prochaine audience aura lieu le 6 octobre 2011.

Je peux vous dire qu’Ali est jugé pour les mêmes faits qu’il l’a déjà été en Espagne et dont a découlé une enquête de près de 3 ans, dirigée par le juge antiterroriste Baltazar Garzon. Ce même juge avait prononcé un non-lieu en mars 2009, Ali fut blanchi mais jamais libéré, car les autorités marocaines le réclamaient à l’Espagne. (Voir détails site

Le 15 septembre, la plaidoirie tenue par trois avocats au Maroc a été rejetée par le juge et le procureur. Toutes les demandes formulées par les avocats d’Ali ont également été rejetées. A savoir des témoins d’une importance capitale, mais aussi la visite d’un expert médical dans le domaine de la torture.

Autrement dit, le procès d’Ali s’annonce comme on l’imaginait, inique et horriblement injuste.

J’aurais chers députés, chers parlementaires, trois propositions de soutien à vous faire.
La première consiste à vous inviter à assister à la prochaine audience prévue le 6 octobre 2011. C’est triste à dire, mais vous ne pouvez imaginer l’influence provoquée par la présence d’observateurs étrangers lors des audiences au Maroc.

La deuxième serait de financer le voyage d’une autre personne souhaitant y aller mais n’ayant pas les moyens financiers pour le faire, dans le cas où vous ne pourriez aller. ING België. Place Saint-Denis 18, 1190 Forest
363 – 4789211 – 70
IBAN : BE60 363 – 4789211 – 70

La troisième, que vous veniez marquer votre présence à la même date, devant le consulat du Maroc à Bruxelles, entre 10h et 13h.

Je voudrais avant de conclure, vous apporter une précision que j’estime importante.
Ali et moi avons été éduqués par des religieuses catholiques espagnoles jusqu’à l’âge de 15 ans (lui) et 14ans (moi). Nous nous sommes à cet âge là retrouvés auprès de notre mère ici en Belgique et n’avons découvert notre religion d’origine (l’Islam) que bien plus tard. Ali travaillait dans une usine de désossement de viande de porc dans une région flamande. Après son boulot, il maintenait sa forme en fréquentant un club de sport, il aimait la boxe ! Les weekends il tardait à rentrer car il faisait des matchs. Je l’attendais car je m’inquiétais pour lui. Pourtant il gagnait tous les combats et par KO ! Il avait à son retour un bouquet de fleurs et une grande coupe. Sa carrière de boxeur s’annonçait donc très prometteuse et son entraineur ne jurait que par lui: « Ali à la frappe de cheval »
Pour aussi étrange que cela puisse vous paraître, c’est à partir du moment où Ali a découvert l’Islam qu’il a refusé de continuer à faire des matchs de boxe, à la grosse déception de tout son cercle d’amis. Et savez-vous pourquoi ? Il avait annoncé à tout son entourage : «  L'Islam m’interdit de faire du tort à autrui! »

C’est en larmes que je clôture cette lettre car ayant été la personne la plus proche d’Ali je sais combien il vaut et combien il mérite d’être soutenu.

Sachez que je garde sincèrement espoir de vous voir réagir contre cette injustice qui touche une personne qui ne mérite pas toute cette souffrance !

En espérant de tout cœur que vous ferez un geste en vue d’aider Ali à regagner la liberté qu’on lui a volé, je vous adresse mes très sincères salutations.

Israeli "administrative detention" punishes entire family

22 September 2011

The latest Israeli administrative detention order against Palestinian nurse and ambulance officer Ayed Dudeen — issued only two months after Dudeen was released from almost four years spent in Israeli custody without charge — has once again highlighted the destructive and harmful impact that this Israeli policy has on Palestinian families.
“It is horrible because you don’t know your head from your toes,” said 20-year-old Hamza Ayed Muhammad Dudeen, Ayed’s eldest child. “At the beginning our hope rises that at any minute he will be released, but this hope fades away when the number of consecutive extensions [of administrative detention] reaches ten or 11.”
Administrative detention is the detention of a person without charge or trial, and is authorized by an administrative — not judicial — order. A law student at Palestine Al-Ahliyya University in Bethlehem, Hamza explained that the varying lengths of the administrative detention orders his father received during his four years in prison made it impossible for his family to prepare for his possible release.
“What is really funny is that each time differs from the other in time length. Sometimes the extension could be for six months and in other times it could be four, and in other cases it could be for two months. There is no logic. It only breaks us,” Hamza, who lives in the Southern Hebron area of the occupied West Bank with his mother and five younger siblings, said.
His father’s latest arrest on 9 August — and subsequent administrative detention order, issued on 25 August — has been especially painful, he added.
“During all [my father’s] imprisonment time, the impact on little [five-year-old] Muhammad was the most salient. He grew all the time knowing that our father is in prison, and when my father was released, it was actually the first time for him to see him. [It was] something I don’t believe he could comprehend,” Hamza told The Electronic Intifada.
“The older brothers and sisters, despite [the fact that] we learned to get used to my father’s absence, we were connected to him this time [he was released] more than before. This time, it was the hardest. He was released and devoted all his time to us and to work during these two months [that he was out of prison].”
British Mandate laws still in place
Israeli military and civil laws related to the policy of administrative detention are based on the country’s Emergency Law of 1945, which was instated during the British Mandate of Palestine, before the creation of the Israel, and is still in place today.
In the West Bank, which is governed under Israeli military laws, Military Order 1226, issued in 1988, allows Israeli army commanders to detain Palestinians living in the West Bank for up to six months if they have “reasonable grounds to presume that the security of the area or public security require the detention.”
Military Order 1591 [PDF], which was issued in 2007, also states that the initial administrative detention order can be extended for additional six-month terms if “the military commander has reasonable cause to believe that reasons of security of the region or public security still require the detention of the detainee.”
These six-month administrative detention terms can be renewed indefinitely. “Israel never stopped using the administrative detention tool as an [oppressive tool] against the Palestinians and of course, they use it much [more] when there’s political tension and special circumstances,” explained Sahar Francis, the Director of Addameer, the Ramallah-based prisoner rights group.
B’Tselem, the Israeli Information Center on Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, estimates that as of July 2011, Israel held 243 Palestinians under administrative detention in facilities run by the Israel Prison Service (IPS).
Under international law, states may use administrative detention only in instances whereby the safety and security of the state is threatened. Article 78 of the Fourth Geneva Convention, for instance, states that “if the Occupying Power considers it necessary, for imperative reasons of security, to take safety measures concerning protected persons, it may, at the most, subject them to assigned residence or to internment.”
According to Francis, Israel’s use of administrative detention orders violates these conditions, insomuch as it is used in instances that don’t constitute a clear threat to the security of the state. “Israel is violating the international law standards for detention without specific charges,” she said.
“From the point of view of the detainees, you don’t know when you will be released, and neither does your family. It’s a very hard psychological situation that you are detained without knowing why you are detained or when you will be released. I think that administrative detention is a collective punishment, not just against the detainee himself, but a collective punishment on the family because of this psychological effect.”
In and out of Israeli custody
Ayed Dudeen was arrested for the first time in December 1992 and held in a Hebron-area prison that at the time was still run by the Israeli authorities. According to Addameer, “during his detention, Ayed was deprived of sleep on a regular basis and often forced to sit in the interrogation room with his hands tied behind his back for several hours at a time” (Information about Dudeen on the Addameer website).
Only six days after his release in March 1993, the Israeli military raided the Dudeen family home and re-arrested Ayed, this time on suspicion that he was forming a military cell. After 75 days of interrogation and inhumane treatment, he was sentenced to one year in prison.
In 1998, Dudeen was arrested again and held in Jerusalem’s Russian Compound prison facility for over four months on suspicion that he had harbored a fugitive, an accusation he consistently denied. This time, he was sentenced to seven years in Israeli prison. Shortly after his release, Dudeen was again taken into Israeli custody and he spent 22 months in administrative detention before being released without charge.
In October 2007, Israeli soldiers and intelligence officers raided Dudeen’s home at 2:30am, arrested him and placed him under administrative detention, under which he remained for three years and eight months. At the time of his imprisonment, he was the longest-serving administrative detainee.
“Over the course of his detention, Ayed’s administrative detention orders were renewed a total of thirty times, meaning that his detention was extended every two months on average,” Addameer found.
Despite the fact that the specific evidence against Ayed Dudeen remains secret, Sahar Francis said that Ayed has been targeted because he is suspected of being affiliated with Hamas and is viewed as a political leader in the West Bank.
“The reasons why he’s targeted by the Israelis [is that they] claim it’s for security reasons and they consider him a Hamas activist. Lately, they were targeting lots of Hamas leaders, and Hamas activists, because of the issue of Gaza and the escalation — bombs and military activity — that took place in the Gaza area in the last month,” Francis said.
“I assume that this is part of this campaign to target public leaders and figures [so that] they can affect the political opinion and the Palestinian people’s opinions in the future.”
Family continues to suffer
For Hamza Dudeen, his father’s detention means that he must take on additional responsibilities and help his mother take care of the younger children in the family.
“People at my age live their life differently: they have more flexibility to move, to travel, to hang out, or to study comfortably. Before I go to university every day, I make sure that every one of my siblings arrives to his school or my mother to her workplace. I am responsible for my five-year-old brother and the rest,” he said.
“My father’s release [in June 2011] took off a lot of responsibilities that she and I managed to handle all that time. My mother is a teacher, and she was relieved when my father was released because she [used to be] worried all the time about leaving the house. It is difficult at the beginning to get used to his absence again.”
Still, Hamza said that since his father was only out of Israeli custody for two months this summer and therefore couldn’t have been involved in any activities that could merit his re-arrest, he remains hopeful that he will be released soon.
“Definitely I was surprised [that he was re-arrested]. He was surprised as well. When he saw the soldiers entering the house he was telling me: ‘No, no, don’t worry. They came to search the house maybe or to ask me for a final investigation like after each time I’m released,’” Hamza recalled. “I don’t know what is going to happen. I am optimistic because I know my father wasn’t involved in any activity, especially during the last two months. What will happen is something in God’s hands.”

mercredi 21 septembre 2011

Derry 30 September : Mickey B : Can prisoners become positive educational role models for youth at risk ?



ICAN presents the launch of Unlocking Shakespeare: a set of educational keys and a special screening Mickey B by The Educational Shakespeare Company at The Playhouse Theatre, Derry-Londonderry

Mickey B is an award-winning feature-length film based on Shakespeare's Macbeth and set in the fictional Burnam Prison. It tells the story of one prisoner's quest for power through betrayal, violence and murder and the insanity and death that results.

Mickey B was the winner of the 2008 Roger Graef Award for Outstanding Achievement in Film at the national Arthur Koestler awards for Arts in Prisons.
There will be an educational schools screening and launch of Unlocking Shakespeare: a Set of Educational Keys with the film Mickey B’s director Tom Magill, and leading actor, Sam McClean at 1.00pm on Friday September 30th

That evening at 8pm The Playhouse will host an exciting screening of Mickey B with a panel discussion on the topical theme: “Can Prisoners Become Educational Role Models for Youth at Risk”.
The development of the education pack was generously funded by the Arts Council of NI. Gavin O’Connor, ACNI’s Youth Development Officer, said “we are delighted to see the launch of the project, ESC has a great track record of actively engaging with young people and creating dynamic and high quality art work, building confidence in the process; a very valuable resource. We commend them on this project.”

Sandara Kelso-Robb, Executive Director of Lloyds TSB Foundation NI added, "The Foundation is proud to have invested in ESC via our innovative Creating Change Programme. We have watched ESC's work grow and develop into a highly credible International resource and have always been impressed with their passion and professionalism."

Further praise for the production
It was chilling….fantastic work. It makes you think again about Shakespeare. - Stephen Rea
An important work that speaks eloquently. - Kenneth Branagh

Further information about this event can be found at:

Notes for Editors:
For further information and to arrange interviews with Director Tom Magill and actor Sam McClean, please contact ESC at 109-113 Royal Avenue, Belfast, BT1 1FF, 02890-243338 or A selection of photographs are also available on request.

Mickey B was funded through Lloyds TSB Foundation, the NI Prison Service, the Prison Arts Foundation and Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation.
ESC is grateful to Lloyds TSB Foundation and the Arts Council of NI for their support in further developing the Mickey B education pack.

Arts Extra

18:30 Monday, 19th September

the interview starts 20 minutes in, just after Stephen Rea!

samedi 10 septembre 2011

Je pense à toi si souvent…

Je pense à toi, Ali, mon très cher frère.
Je pense à toi si souvent…

Ton image inonde mon esprit à tel point que je me vois obligée de l’occuper à de tas d’autres choses.

Il arrive même que je l’occupe excessivement, pour ne pas sombrer dans la folie provoquée par l’angoisse et la peur de te perdre !

Mais il n’y a pas que l’angoisse, il y a l’inquiétude, la tristesse, la douleur,…

Une douleur profonde et très dure à maîtriser, qui prend au ventre.
Comme si l’ensemble de mes organes n’en formaient qu’UN pour mieux encaisser tous ces désagréments occasionnés par ta souffrance, ton isolation, toute cette INJUSTICE qui pour moi est grande comme le monde.

J’essaie parfois de t’imaginer autrement qu’enfermé.
Au temps où on s’éclatait.
Mais même comme ça, je ne peux m’empêcher de pleurer.
Parce que je n’arrive à concevoir l’idée que tant d’énergie positive, tant de vivacité, tant de bonté aient pu être privé de liberté.

Penser est devenu un calvaire, une torture morale…
Je réserve cette pratique, malgré moi, à mes fins de journées.
Je dis malgré moi, car ce sont les moments où il n’y a plus aucun moyen de s’occuper l’esprit autrement.

Comme chaque soir, alors que mon mari et les enfants montent à l’étage pour dormir, je me recueille dans ma pleine solitude et ne cesse d’implorer Le Tout Puissant de veiller sur toi.

Qu’Il te rende cette détention moins pénible, qu’Il te comble de sa Toute belle Patience.
Je prie pour toi Ali, je prie encore et encore afin que ce cauchemar prenne fin.

L’un des moments les plus durs est celui où je t’imagine dans ta cellule, assis sur le bord d’un lit.
Le regard perdu dans un silence qui ne rassure pas !
Cellule dont je suis certaine tu as fait de tas de va et viens pour passer le temps, mais aussi pour garder un petit peu la forme. Toi qui a toujours pris soin de ta condition physique, à te maintenir en forme…
Ce corps qui a pourtant subi tant de sévices, qui n’a pas été respecté, qui a été agressé sauvagement,…
J’ai beaucoup de mal…

Je te retrouve dans mes pensées, plongé dans tes pensées.
Seul !
Entre ces quatre murs...
Ce silence assourdissant, entrecoupé de temps à autre de quelques bruits….
J’essaie de me mettre dans ta peau, de ressentir ce que tu ressens, d’imaginer ce que tu penses…
Et là…
Ma tristesse s’accroit…
Je pleure et implore à nouveau Dieu, de te venir en aide.
Je te vois si mal, je te sens vidé.

Il arrive même qu’à travers mes pensées, je prenne ta place.

Je t’imagine en larmes Ali, pleurant tel un enfant…et comme chaque fois que je revois cette scène, je ne peux m’empêcher de pleurer à mon tour.

Ya Rabby fait que mon frère tienne le coup !
Donne-lui la force de supporter toute cette souffrance et injustice !
Ya Rabby !!! Que cette pénible et lourde solitude, devienne douce, légère et facile à supporter !

J’imagine les phases où tu te fais silence…
Où tu essaies de cesser de penser, où tu tentes de faire le vide.

Mais…J’imagine aussi que la solitude doit te peser énormément.
Tellement que tu penses et ne fais que ça.
Tu ne peux d’ailleurs faire que ça !
C’est malheureusement le seul droit qui te reste Ali, celui de penser….encore et encore.

vendredi 9 septembre 2011

Sincèrement tous égaux

Je vais participer à ce rassemblement pour Hilam Hasnouni, peu m'importe la mouvance à laquelle elle appartient cette jeune fille.
Le devoir d'être solidaire avec toute personne étant victime de telles atrocités m'interpelle!
Mais, j'aimerais quand même vous poser une question?
Pourquoi quand il s'agit d'Ali, les mouvements de gauche n'osent pas trop s'afficher en tant que mouvement?
Je vois d'ici et là quelques personnes, mais jamais au nom d'un mouvement de gauche! C'est bien dommage.
Par ce message mon souhait n'est nullement de semer une division, mais bien au contraire! 
Je ne pense pas qu'on puisse se cacher derrière une certaine naïveté, faisant croire qu'on ignore les raisons de notre non implication à tel lutte ou tel autre lutte! 
Tout le monde sait quels sont les risques encourus par chacun d'entre nous, à partir du moment où nous décidons de contrer l'injustice. 
Car l'essentiel c'est ça, se battre contre toute forme d'injustice! 
Alors, il s'agit d'un choix à faire et pour moi il est simple à faire: soit on est contre et on lutte en gardant la tête haute, soit on rebrousse chemin et on se cache et on vit dans l'humiliation constante! 

Ce qui est simple est le choix, ce qui est plus dur c'est d'assumer ce choix! 
Je l'ai appris bien avant que Ali soit mis en détention arbitraire accusé à tort de tas de maux qu'il n'a point commis. 

Je me battais déjà, je me bats toujours, et me battrai et interviendrai pour défendre un juif, un athée, un chrétien, un bouddhiste, qui soit victime d'injustice. 
Peu m'importe sa confession ou son origine, je me battrai jusqu'à ce que la mort vienne à ma rencontre! 
Pour moi c'est le meilleur principe qui puisse exister et qui vaille la peine d'être vécu!